Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

The Danger of Ethics and Competency: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon


By: Nicole Belle on Thursday, March 6th, 2008 at 9:00 AM - PST

Defense Secretary Robert Gates has called CENTCOM commander Adm. William Fallon ?one of the best strategic thinkers in uniform today.? Fallon opposed the ?surge? in Iraq and has consistently battled the Bush administration to avoid a confrontation with Iran, calling officials? war-mongering ?not helpful.? Privately, he has vowed that an attack on Iran ?will not happen on my watch.?


Unfortunately, this level-headed thinking and willingness to stand up to President Bush may cost him his job. According to a new article by Thomas P.M. Barnett in the April issue of Esquire magazine (on newsstands March 12), Fallon may be prematurely ?relieved of his command? as soon as this summer:
[W]ell-placed observers now say that it will come as no surprise if Fallon is relieved of his command before his time is up next spring, maybe as early as this summer, in favor of a commander the White House considers to be more pliable. If that were to happen, it may well mean that the president and vice-president intend to take military action against Iran before the end of this year and don?t want a commander standing in their way.
Just another day in BushWorld. There?s a sneaky (and admittedly tin-foil hatted) suspicion on my part that there is a calculus going on here to make sure that we?re either in or on the threshold of aggression with Iran?something that Fallon has dug his heels in and fought vehemently against?as we near the November election, to help give the edge to John McCain.


Crooks and Liars ? The Danger of Ethics and Competency: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon
 

scrimmage

What you contemplate you imitate
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

Like how much of the debate between sections of the ruling elite goes, Admiral Fallon,-while showing a little more backbone towards the Bush administration than most of the agreeable top brass-,ultimately really only disagrees about tactics and timing,not the overall philosophy of the "War on Terror".
If it isn't Fallon, then someone else will be brought in to do the job required:

[SIZE=+1]March 7, 2008[/SIZE]
[SIZE=+2]Crushing the Ants[/SIZE]

[SIZE=+2]Admiral Fallon and His Empire [/SIZE]

[SIZE=+2]By CHRIS FLOYD [/SIZE]
[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=+2]T[/SIZE][/FONT][FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]here has been quite a buzz in "progressive" circles over the new Esquire article about Admiral William Fallon, head of U.S. Central Command, the military satrapy that covers the entire "arc of crisis" at the heart of the "War on Terror," from east Africa, across the Middle East, and on to the borders of China. Much has been made of Fallon's alleged apostasy from the Bush regime's bellicosity toward Tehran; indeed, the article paints Fallon as the sole bulwark against an American attack on Iran ? and hints ominously that the good admiral may be forced out by George W. Bush this summer, clearing the way for one last murderous hurrah by the lame duck president. The general reaction to the article seems to be: God preserve this honorable man, and keep him as our shield and defender against the wicked tyrant.[/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]But this is most curious. For behind the melodramatic framing and gushing hero-worship of the article ? written by Thomas Barnett (of whom more later) ? we find nothing but a few mild disagreements between Fallon and the White House over certain questions of tactics, timing and presentation in regard to American domination of a vast range of nations and peoples. [/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]Fallon himself has long denied the hearsay evidence that he had declared, upon taking over Central Command, that a war on Iran "isn't going to happen on my watch." And in fact, the article itself depicts Fallon's true attitude toward the idea of an attack on Iran right up front, in his own words. After noting Fallon's concerns about focusing too much on Iran to the exclusion of the other "pots boiling over" in the region, Barnett presses the point and asks: And if it comes to war? Fallon replies with stark, brutal clarity: [/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]"'Get serious,' the admiral says. 'These guys are ants. When the time comes, you crush them.'"[/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]The article makes clear that Fallon's main concerns about a war with Iran are, as noted, about tactics and timing: Sure, when the time comes ? no shuffling on that point ? we'll crush these subhumans like the insects they are; but we've already got a lot on our plate at the moment, so why not hold off as long as we can? After all, Fallon is conducting two wars, in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as overseeing an on-going "regime change" operation in Somalia, where the United States has been aiding Ethiopian invaders with bombing raids, death squads, renditions and missile strikes against Somali civilians ? such as the one this week that killed three women and three children.[/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]The most remarkable fact about the Esquire article is not its laughable portrayal of the man in charge of mass slaughter and military aggression across a broad swathe of the globe as a shining knight holding back the dogs of war. Nor is it the delusion on the part of Barnett --- and much of the commentariat as well ? that Bush would ever appoint some kind of secret peacenik as the main commander of his Terror War. (Although it could well be that Fallon will be fired in the end for not groveling obsequiously enough to the Leader, in the required Petraeus-Franks manner. Or indeed, that he might even resign rather than commit what he sees as the tactical error of crushing the Iranian ants at this particular time. But so what? If he quits, someone else who would be happy to do the stomping will be appointed in his place. If Bush decides to attack Iran, then Iran will be attacked. There is no one standing in the way. It's as simple as that.)[/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]No, what is most noteworthy about the article is that Barnett has given us, unwittingly, one of the clearest pictures yet of the true nature of the American system today. And that system is openly, unequivocally and unapologetically imperial, in every sense of the word, and in every sinew of its structure. For what is Fallon's actual position? We see him commanding vast armies, both his own and those of local proxies, waging battles to bend nations, regions and peoples to the will of a superpower. We see him meeting with the heads of client kingdoms in his purview, in Cairo, Kabul, Baghdad, Dushanbe: advising, cajoling, demanding, threatening, wading deeply into the internal affairs of the dominated lands, seeking to determine their politics, their economic development, their military structure and foreign policies. [/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]For example, Barnett tells us that Fallon was locked away with Pervez Musharaff for hours the day before the Pakistani dictator imposed emergency rule last year. Barnett, hilariously, swallows Fallon's line that Washington didn't greenlight Musharaff's crackdown: "Did I tell him this is not a recommended course of action? Of course." Yes, Admiral, whatever you say. But did you tell him there would be any adverse consequences whatsoever from Washington: any cut-off or even diminution of military and economic aid, for example? Of course not. (For a glimpse of hero-worship, here's how Barnett sets the scene: "As the admiral recounts the exchange, his voice is flat, his gaze steady. His calculus on this subject is far more complex than anyone else's." A calculus more complex than anyone else's in the whole wide world! And certainly more complex than any analysis those ants in Pakistan could come up with themselves.) To his credit, Fallon then goes on to give the true picture: Washington supported the crackdown because Pakistan is "an immature democracy" that needs a savvy strongman ? and American loyalist ? at the helm. As for the idea that Benazir Bhutto ? then still alive ? could play a role in stabilizing the country: "Fallon is pessimistic. He slowly shakes his head. 'Better forget that.'" A few weeks later, Bhutto was out of the picture.[/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]What we are seeing, quite simply, is an imperial proconsul in action. There is no difference whatsoever between Fallon's role and that of the proconsuls sent out by the Roman emperors to deal with the wars and tribes and client kingdoms of the empire's far-flung provinces. There too, the emperor could not simply snap his fingers and bend every event to his will; there had to be some cajoling, compromise, occasional setbacks. But behind everything lurked the threat of Roman military power and the promise of ruin and death if Rome's interests were not accommodated in the end. It is the same with America's pro-consuls today.[/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]Nowhere in the article ? nor anywhere else in the well-wadded bastions of the "bipartisan foreign policy community" (and amongst its fawning scribes) ? will you find even the slightest inkling of a doubt that America should be comporting itself as an imperial power in this way. It is simply a given that an American military commander ? with or without a calm, steely gaze and complex calculus ? should be hashing out emergency decrees with Central Asian dictators, launching missile strikes on African villages, driving hell-for-leather in bristling convoys down the streets of occupied cities, stationing warships off the coast of Lebanon and Iran? and continually throwing massive amounts of American blood and treasure into a never-ending campaign to "crush the ants" that swarm so inconveniently around the imperial boot heels. For the elite ? and, sadly, for the majority of other Americans as well ? this is simply the natural order of the world. Not only are these imperial assumptions unquestioned; they are unconscious, as if it were literally inconceivable that the nation's affairs could be ordered in any other way. [/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]We should be grateful to Barnett. Not even the most scathing dissident could have produced a more damning indictment of America's imperial system than this fawning ? indeed groveling ? piece of hagiography. [/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]This is not the first time that Barnett's true-believer cluelessness has produced genuine revelations. Last year, in a similarly gung-ho, brass-awed piece on Washington's latest imperial satrapy, the Africa Command, Barnett revealed that the Bush Administration was using an American death squad in Somalia to "clean up" areas after a bombing or missile strike. As I wrote in June 2007:[/SIZE][/FONT]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]The Esquire piece, by Thomas Barnett, is a mostly glowing portrait of the Africa Command, which, we are told, is designed to wed military, diplomatic, and development prowess in a seamless package, a whole new way of projecting American power: "pre-emptive nation-building instead of pre-emptive regime change," or as Barnett describes it at another point, "Iraq done right." Although Barnett's glib, jargony, insider piece -- told entirely from the point of view of U.S. military officials -- does contain bits of critical analysis, it is in no way an expose. The new details he presents on the post-invasion slaughter are thus even more chilling, as they are offered simply as an acceptable, ordinary aspect of this laudable new enterprise.[/SIZE][/FONT]

[SIZE=-1][FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Barnett reveals that the gunship attacks on refugees were just the first part of the secret U.S. mission that was "Africa Command's" debut on the imperial stage. Soon after the attacks, "Task Force 88, a very secret American special-operations unit," was helicoptered into the strike area. As Barnett puts it: "The 88's job was simple: Kill anyone still alive and leave no unidentified bodies behind."[/FONT][/SIZE]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]Some 70,000 people fled their homes in the first wave of the Ethiopian invasion. (More than 400,000 fled the brutal consolidation of the invasion in Mogadishu last spring.) Tens of thousands of these initial refugees headed toward the Kenyan border, where the American gunships struck. When the secret operation was leaked, Bush Administration officials said that American planes were trying to hit three alleged al Qaeda operatives who had allegedly been given sanctuary by the Islamic Councils government decapitated by the Ethiopians. But Barnett's insiders told him that the actual plan was to wipe out thousands of "foreign fighters" whom Pentagon officials believed had joined the Islamic Courts forces. "Honestly, nobody had any idea just how many there really were," Barnett was told. "But we wanted to get them all."[/SIZE][/FONT]

[SIZE=-1][FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Thus the Kenyan border area -- where tens of thousands of civilians were fleeing -- was meant to be "a killing zone," Barnett writes:[/FONT][/SIZE]

[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]America's first AC-130 gunship went wheels-up on January 7 from that secret Ethiopian airstrip. After each strike, anybody left alive was to be wiped out by successive waves of Ethiopian commandos and Task Force 88, operating out of Manda Bay. The plan was to rinse and repeat 'until no more bad guys, as one officer put it.[/SIZE][/FONT]

[SIZE=-1][FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]At this point, Barnett -- or his sources -- turn coy. We know there were multiple gunship strikes; and from Barnett's account, we know that the "88s" did go in at least once after the initial gunship attack to "kill anyone still alive and leave no unidentified bodies behind." But Barnett's story seems to suggest that once active American participation in the war was leaked, the "killing zone" was abandoned at some point. So there is no way of knowing at this point how many survivors of the American attacks were then killed by the "very special secret special-operations unit," or how many "rinse-and-repeat" cycles the "88s" were able to carry out in what Barnett called "a good plan."[/FONT][/SIZE]

[SIZE=-1][FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Nor do we know just who the "88s" killed. As noted, the vast majority of refugees were civilians, just as the majority of the victims killed by the American gunship raids were civilians. Did the "88s" move in on the nomadic tribesmen decimated by the air attack and "kill everyone still alive"? Or did they restrict themselves to killing any non-Somalis they found among the refugees?[/FONT][/SIZE]
[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif][SIZE=-1]Chris Floyd is an American journalist and frequent contributor to CounterPunch. He is the author of the book Empire Burlesque: High Crimes and Low Comedy in the Bush Imperium. He can be reached through his website: www.chris-floyd.com.[/SIZE][/FONT]
link:
Chris Floyd: Admiral Fallon and His Empire
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

Excellent piece, Scrimmage. Thanks for adding it to the discussion.
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

Unfortunately, this level-headed thinking and willingness to stand up to President Bush may cost him his job. According to a new article by Thomas P.M. Barnett in the April issue of Esquire magazine (on newsstands March 12), Fallon may be prematurely ?relieved of his command? as soon as this summer:

This is generally what happens when you oppose the CIC. Ask the late Gen. Douglas MacAuther. Perhaps it would be in Fallon's best interest to resign/retire if he has heartburn with the way things are being run. If he does he can do a little Monday Morning Quarterbacking and go on CNN like that dip shit General Wesley Clarke and tell everyone in the world how he was right to oppose Bush.

By all appearances it looks like he is being professional about it so I will give him the benefit of the doubt. It it were me and I were in his shoes, I would resign and retire if I truly felt that way.

It really doesn't matter because in 10 months someone else will run the nation and they will have to deal with this issue as opposed to ignoring it. I t won't be an option.
 

Thor4140

EOG Dedicated
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

This is generally what happens when you oppose the CIC. Ask the late Gen. Douglas MacAuther. Perhaps it would be in Fallon's best interest to resign/retire if he has heartburn with the way things are being run.
Any clear thinking person should have heartburn for what these pieces of shit (Bush and Cheney) have caused this country. Its not a coincidence that on 9/11 people from all over the world wanted to bend over backwards to give us support and now its the complete opposite with these two corrupt assholes and their money hungry ways. sorry you don't see it. I guess they call it stubbornly misinformed.
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

heartburn for what these pieces of shit (Bush and Cheney) have caused this country

Make no Mistake -- I will have 50 Million times more heartburn over the cold blooded murder of 3000+ of my American neighbors by a movement (Islam) and well orchestrated build up and attack from an organization (Al Aquieda) than I will even have with Bush and Cheney.

Bush/Cheney did something about those assholes in the Middle East. I commend them for stepping up and no longer ignoring the problem. Yes, mistakes have been made along the way, but unfortunately war is not a simple algebra problem sometimes.

I am sorry to say there are so very many that give aid and comfort to the enemy in this nation by their political and/or other motives by constantly being Anti-Bush and Anti-Cheney. You can take that behavior to the grave with you. I sleep well every night.
 

Thor4140

EOG Dedicated
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

You sleep behind a safe wall of delusion. Nobody likes be told they have been scammed.
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

You sleep behind a safe wall of delusion. Nobody likes be told they have been scammed.

Scammed ??? I will be the first to admit the Bush Administration fucked up big time after we inialialated their military and then what ever was remaining we let them disband to create pure hell in Iraq as they had nothing to live for after that.

But make no mistake --- We needed to respond to those assholes over there in the middle east and we did just that. Now you may not like that, but I could really give a shit what you think.
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

Perhaps the response should have been directed at those who actually attacked us, rather than some random Arab country that had nothing to do with the 9-11 attack?
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

Perhaps the response should have been directed at those who actually attacked us, rather than some random Arab country that had nothing to do with the 9-11 attack?


They didn't have anything to do with 9/11, 4625, but Iraq wasn't chosen "randomly". Why pick on a German Shepherd when you can kick chihuahua?
 

Thor4140

EOG Dedicated
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

Scammed ??? I will be the first to admit the Bush Administration fucked up big time after we inialialated their military and then what ever was remaining we let them disband to create pure hell in Iraq as they had nothing to live for after that.

But make no mistake --- We needed to respond to those assholes over there in the middle east and we did just that. Now you may not like that, but I could really give a shit what you think.
Do you realize that we have been screwing with these people for years? Its like taken a stick and poking a dog and hoping it just sits there and does nothing. I know this is a little more then you can comprehend but if you did a little research instead of listening to con men you might find some stuff out. Have you ever in your life started a huge amount of trouble with someone that is innocent and has done nothing to you? I doubt it like most of us. Most people don't mess with others unless they are messed with first. Got it?
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

Subject: Lieutenant General Chuck Pitman (I'm Sorry!)

Semper Fi!
This "Letter of Apology" was written by Lieutenant General Chuck Pitman, US Marine Corps, Retired:
For good and ill, the Iraqi prisoner abuse mess will remain an issue. On the one hand, right thinking Americans will abhor the stupidity of the actions while on the other hand, political glee will take control and fashion this minor event into some modern day massacre.
I humbly offer my opinion here:
I am sorry that the last seven times we Americans took up arms and sacrificed the blood of our youth, it was in the defense of Muslims ( Bosnia , Kosovo, Gulf War 1, Kuwait , etc.) I am sorry that no such call for an apology upon the extremists came after 9/11.
I am sorry that all of the murderers on 9/11 were Islamic Arabs.
I am sorry that most Arabs and Muslims have to live in squalor under savage dictatorships.
I am sorry that their leaders squander their wealth.
I am sorry that their governments breed hate for the US in their religious schools, mosques, and government-controlled media.
I am sorry that Yassar Arafat was kicked out of every Arab country and high-jacked the Palestinian "cause."
I am sorry that no other Arab country will take in or offer more than a token amount of financial help to those same Palestinians.
I am sorry that the U.S.A. has to step in and be the biggest financial supporter of poverty stricken Arabs while the insanely wealthy Arabs blame the USA for all their problems.
I am sorry that our own left wing, our media, and our own brainwashed masses do not understand any of this (from the misleading vocal elements of our society like radical professors, CNN and the NY TIMES).
I am sorry the United Nations scammed the poor people of Iraq out of the "food for oil" money so they could get rich while the common folk suffered.
I am sorry that some Arab governments pay the families of homicide bombers upon their death I am sorry that those same bombers are brainwashed thinking they will receive 72 virgins in "paradise."
I am sorry that the homicide bombers think pregnant women, babies, children, the elderly and other noncombatant civilians are legitimate targets.
I am sorry that our troops die to free more Arabs from the gang rape rooms and the filling of mass graves of dissidents of their own making.
I am sorry that Muslim extremists have killed more Arabs than any other group.
I am sorry that foreign trained terrorists are trying to seize control of Iraq and return it to a terrorist state.
I am sorry we don't drop a few dozen Daisy cutters on Fallujah.
I am sorry every time terrorists hide they find a convenient "Holy Site."
I am sorry they didn't apologize for driving a jet into the World Trade Center that collapsed and severely damaged Saint Nicholas Greek Orthodox Church - one of our Holy Sites.
I am sorry they didn't apologize for flight 93 and 175, the USS Cole, the embassy bombings, the murders and beheadings of Nick Berg and Daniel Pearl, etc....etc!
I am sorry Michael Moore is American; he could feed a medium sized village in Africa .
America will get past this latest absurdity. We will punish those responsible because that is what we do.
We hang out our dirty laundry for the entire world to see. We move on. That's one of the reasons we are hated so much. We don't hide this stuff like all those Arab countries that are now demanding an apology.
Deep down inside, when most Americans saw this reported in the news, we were like - so what? We lost hundreds and made fun of a few prisoners. Sure, it was wrong, sure, it dramatically hurts our cause, but until captured we were trying to kill these same prisoners. Now we're supposed to wring our hands because a few were humiliated?
Our compassion is tempered with the vivid memories of our own people killed, mutilated and burnt amongst a joyous crowd of celebrating Fallujahans.
If you want an apology from this American, you're going to have a long wait! You have a better chance of finding those seventy-two virgins.
Chuck Pitman
Lieutenant General, USMC
Pass this on to your friends if you agree.
If not, I am sorry I offended you by passing on the facts.
.
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

:LMAO :LMAO :LMAO :LMAO

No, you are the sucker as I posted it on purpose knowing full well you would come back in here like a weasel.
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

It must get very tiresome to post in here KNOWING that you are going to get shellacked about being an incurious sheeple. . . . :LMAO:LMAO:LMAO
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

The Pentagon vs. Petraeus
March 12, 2008; Page A20


Yesterday's resignation of Admiral William Fallon as Centcom Commander is being portrayed as a dispute over Iran. Our own sense is that the admiral has made more than enough dissenting statements about Iraq, Iran and other things to warrant his dismissal as much as early retirement. But his departure will be especially good news if it means that President Bush is beginning to pay attention to the internal Pentagon dispute over Iraq.

A fateful debate is now taking place at the Pentagon that will determine the pace of U.S. military withdrawals for what remains of President Bush's term. Senior Pentagon officials -- including, we hear, Defense Secretary Robert Gates, Joint Chiefs Chairman Mike Mullen, Army Chief of Staff George Casey and Admiral Fallon -- have been urging deeper troop cuts in Iraq beyond the five "surge" combat brigades already scheduled for redeployment this summer.

Last month Mr. Gates agreed to a pause in these withdrawals, so that General David Petraeus could assess whether the impressive security gains achieved by the surge can be maintained with fewer troops. But now the Pentagon seems to be pushing for a pause of no more than four to six weeks before the drawdowns resume.

It's possible the surge has so degraded the insurgency -- both of the al Qaeda and Shiite varieties -- that the U.S. can reduce its troop presence to some undetermined level without inviting precisely the conditions that led to the surge in the first place. The withdrawal of one combat brigade from Iraq in December hasn't affected the stunning declines in insurgent attacks and Iraqi civilian deaths over the past year.

Then again, a spate of recent attacks -- including a suicide bombing Monday that left five GIs dead in Baghdad and a roadside bombing yesterday that killed 16 Iraqis -- is a reminder that the insurgency remains capable of doing great damage. An overly hasty withdrawal of U.S. forces would give it more opportunities to do so. It could also demoralize Iraq forces just when they are gaining confidence and need our help to "hold" the areas gained by the "clear, hold and build" strategy of the surge.

This ought to be apparent to Pentagon generals. Yet their rationale for troop withdrawals seems to have less to do with conditions in Iraq and more with fear that the war is putting a strain on the military as an institution. These are valid concerns. Lengthy and repeated combat deployments have imposed extraordinary burdens on service members and their families. The war in Iraq has also diverted scarce funds to combat operations rather than investment -- much of it long overdue -- in military modernization.

But these concerns are best dealt with by enlarging the size of the Army and Marine Corps and increasing spending on defense to between 5% and 6% of gross domestic product from the current 4.5% -- about where it was at the end of the Cold War. By contrast, we can think of few things that would "break" the military more completely -- in readiness, morale and deterrent power -- than to leave Iraq in defeat, or in conditions that would soon lead to a replay of what happened in Vietnam.

This Pentagon pressure also does little to help General Petraeus. The general is supposed to be fighting a frontal war against Islamist militants, not a rearguard action with Pentagon officials. We understand there is a chain of command in the military, and General Petraeus is precisely the kind of team player who would respect it.

That's why as Commander in Chief, Mr. Bush has a particular obligation to engage in this Pentagon debate so that General Petraeus can make his troop recommendations based on the facts in Iraq, not on pressure from Washington. It was Mr. Bush's excessive deference to the Army's pecking order that put lackluster generals such as Ricardo Sanchez in charge when the insurgency was forming, and that prevented General Petraeus from assuming command in Iraq until it was nearly too late. Having successfully resisted pressure from Congressional Democrats for premature troop withdrawals, it would be strange indeed for Mr. Bush to cave in to identical pressure from his own bureaucracies.

As a political matter, an overly rapid drawdown would also only complicate the choices the next President will have to make about troop levels, whether that's John McCain or one of the Democratic contenders. Mr. Bush owes it to his successor to bequeath not only a stable Iraq, but also policy options that don't tempt disaster. Preserving a troop cushion that allows for future withdrawals without jeopardizing current gains would do just that.
That's a decision that rests with Mr. Bush alone, who in seven years as President has often proved more adept and determined in fighting enemies abroad than imposing discipline on his own, so often wayward, Administration.

The Pentagon vs. Petraeus - WSJ.com
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

The Fall of Admiral George B. McFallon

By contradicting the president in public, Admiral Fallon exceeded his authority--and was right to step down.

by Mackubin Thomas Owens
03/12/2008 1:30:00 PM

DURING THE 1990s, a number of events led observers to conclude that all was not well with civil-military relations in America, generating an often acrimonious public debate in which a number of highly respected observers concluded that American civil-military relations had become unhealthy or even that they were "in crisis." Nothing was more illustrative of the lack of comity in civil-military relations during this period than the unprecedented instances of downright hostility on the part of the uniformed military toward President Bill Clinton, whose anti-military stance as a young man during the Vietnam War years did not endear him to soldiers.

Some observers contended that the civil-military tensions of the 1990s were a temporary phenomenon, attributable to the perceived anti-military character of the Clinton administration. But the tensions did not disappear with the election and reelection of George W. Bush. If anything, civil-military relations became more strained as a result of clashes between the uniformed services and Bush's first secretary of defense, Donald Rumsfeld, over efforts to "transform" the military from a Cold War force to one better able to respond to likely future contingencies and the planning and conduct of U.S. military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. This was highlighted by the so-called revolt of the generals in the spring of 2006, which saw a number of retired Army and Marine generals publicly call for the resignation of Secretary Rumsfeld, criticizing him in language that was intemperate, if not downright contemptuous.

With Rumsfeld's departure and the apparent success of the "surge" in Iraq, some expressed hope that harmony might return to U.S. civil-military relations. But as the case of Admiral William "Fox" Fallon illustrates, the state of civil-military relations remains turbulent.

On March 11, Fallon, commander of U.S. Central Command (USCENTCOM)--a regional combatant command that includes Iraq and Iran-stepped down from his post, offering as his reason the public "misperception" that he had disagreed with the Bush administration over policy in the Middle East, especially with regard to Iran. In a letter to Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, Fallon wrote that "The current embarrassing situation and public perception of differences between my views and administration policy and the distraction this causes from the mission make this the right thing to do."

The proximate cause of Fallon's departure was an article by Thomas Barnett in the April issue of Esquire. Entitled "The Man Between War and Peace," the piece begins: "As head of U.S. Central Command, Admiral William 'Fox' Fallon is in charge of American military strategy for the most troubled parts of the world. Now, as the White House has been escalating the war of words with Iran, and seeming ever more determined to strike militarily before the end of this presidency, the admiral has urged restraint and diplomacy. Who will prevail, the president or the admiral?"

Barnett's rather fawning profile of Fallon portrays the latter as "brazenly challenging" President Bush on Iran, pushing back "against what he saw as an ill-advised action." While reasonable people can disagree over the wisdom of the Bush administration's policy regarding Iraq, the really troubling aspect of this article is that it reveals the extent to which a combatant commander had taken it on himself to develop and disseminate policy independently of the president. This flies in the face of the American practice of civil-military relations, going back to the American Revolution.

The differences between Fallon and the administration were real, not the result of any misperception. It is well established that Fallon worked to undermine the "surge" in Iraq by pushing for faster troop reductions than the commander on the ground in Iraq, Gen. David Petraeus, thought prudent. He attempted to banish the phrase "the Long War" because, according to Barnett, it "signaled a long haul that Fallon simply finds unacceptable."

Regarding Iran, Fallon undercut the cornerstone of the Bush administration's Iran policy of keeping all options-including the use of military force-open, in order to pressure Iran to forgo its nuclear ambitions. This makes diplomatic sense. As Frederick the Great once observed, diplomacy without force is like music without instruments.

But last fall, Fallon told Al Jazeera TV, "This constant drumbeat of conflict ... is not helpful and not useful. I expect that there will be no war, and that is what we ought to be working for. We ought to try to do our utmost to create different conditions." A week before a trip to Egypt in November of last year, Fallon told the Financial Times, that a military strike against Iran was not "in the offing .Another war is just not where we want to go."

It is thus undeniable that as commander of CENTCOM, Fallon acted in a way that exceeded his authority. The tenor of Fallon's public pronouncements was in stark contrast to that of statements made by other high-ranking military officers who, while they have no desire to provoke a war with Iran while the U.S. military is heavily engaged in Iraq and Afghanistan, have not taken it upon themselves to constrain American foreign policy to the extent that Fallon has. Indeed, had Fallon not stepped down, the president would have been perfectly justified in firing him, as Abraham Lincoln fired Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan, as Franklin Roosevelt fired Rear Admiral James O. Richardson, and Harry Truman fired Gen. Douglas MacArthur.

Let us be clear. The problem wasn't that Fallon was merely "pushing back" within the administration against a policy he didn't like. The problem was that a uniformed officer was actively working to undermine that policy after the decision had been made--and that he was also speaking out against the policy publicly while being charged with executing it. The playing field is not level for commanders speaking in public. They have a responsibility to support the missions they've been given, not to publicly evaluate the wisdom of the policy because, among other things, such a public evaluation undermines the confidence of their subordinates as they go into battle. This is unacceptable.

In our politicized world, one's response to this affair is likely to be colored by one's attitude toward the defense and foreign policies of the Bush administration. Those who normally would reject the idea that a military officer should "insist" that elected officials or their constitutional appointees adopt the officer's position seem to be all for it when it comes to the Bush administration. For instance, in a March 2005 column for the Washington Post handicapping the field to succeed Air Force Gen. Richard B. Myers as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, David Ignatius argued that "the next [CJCS] must be someone who can push back" against Rumsfeld. But those who see Fallon as a hero for "pushing back" against George Bush should realize that someday a President Barack Obama might have to deal with a future combatant commander who is publicly undermining his policies, as Fallon was undermining those of President Bush.

The cornerstone of U.S. civil-military relations is simple and straightforward: The uniformed military is expected to provide its best advice to civil authorities, who alone are responsible for policy. While reasonable people can disagree over the wisdom of military action against Iran or any other adversary, the decision to take such action lies with civilian authorities, not with a military commander.

Of course, uniformed officers have an obligation to stand up to civilian leaders if they think a policy is flawed. They must convey their concerns to civilian policymakers forcefully and truthfully. If they believe the door is closed to them at the Pentagon or the White House, they also have access to Congress. But once a policy decision is made, soldiers are obligated to carry it out to the best of their ability, whether their advice is heeded or not.

Most American military commanders have gotten this. For instance, according to Dana Priest's book The Mission, the Clinton White House wanted U.S. pilots in the no-fly zone to provoke the Iraqis into attacking American planes. The then-CENTCOM commander, General Anthony Zinni, believed that this could lead to war with Iraq and insisted that the White House issue him a direct order to undertake such an action. Faced with leaving a paper trail, the White House changed its mind.

But others, e.g. George McClellan, Douglas MacArthur, and now Adm. Fallon, have chosen to publicly "push back" against policies with which they disagree. In doing so, they pose a danger to republican government. The danger is illustrated by the case of Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan during the American Civil War.

Military historians tend to treat McClellan as a first-rate organizer, equipper, and trainer but an incompetent general who was constantly outfought and outgeneraled by his Confederate counterpart, Robert E. Lee. That much is true, but there is more to the story. McClellan and many of his favored subordinates disagreed with many of Lincoln's policies, and indeed may have attempted to sabotage them. McClellan pursued the war he wanted to fight-one that would end in a negotiated peace-rather than the one his commander in chief wanted him to fight. The behavior of McClellan and his subordinates led Lincoln to worry that his decision to issue the Emancipation Proclamation might trigger a military coup.

McClellan openly expressed his disdain for the president and the secretary of War. Lincoln and his cabinet were aware of the rumors that McClellan intended to put "his sword across the government's policy." McClellan's quartermaster-general, Montgomery Meigs expressed concern about "officers of rank" in the Army of the Potomac who spoke openly of "a march on Washington to 'clear out those fellows.'"

That McClellan had his own idea for fighting the war, one that did not match that of his commander in chief, was revealed by one of his officers after the Maryland Campaign of September 1862. In response to a query from a colleague as to "why the rebel army [was not] bagged immediately after the battle near Sharpsburg [Antietam]," the officer replied "that is not the game. The object is that neither army shall get much advantage of the other; that both shall be kept in the field till they are exhausted, when we will make a compromise and save slavery."

Lincoln dismissed the officer in question, remarking to his secretary John Hay "that if there was a 'game' ever among Union men, to have our army not take an advantage of the enemy when it could, it was his object to break up that game." Shortly thereafter, Lincoln relieved McClellan himself after another long bout of inactivity following Antietam. Of course President Harry Truman took the same action against Gen. MacArthur, an officer who had taken his disagreements with the president public.

A public disagreement between a president and his military commanders is one thing. But even a private disagreement can cause a commander in chief to lose confidence in his subordinates. For instance, when President Franklin Roosevelt decided to attempt to deter Japanese expansionism by moving the US Pacific Fleet from California to Pearl Harbor during the summer of 1940, the fleet commander, Rear Admiral James O. Richardson, objected, arguing that basing the Pacific Fleet in Hawaii was provocative and could precipitate a war with Japan. The president fired him and replaced him with Rear Admiral Husband E. Kimmel. As Admiral Harold Stark, the Chief of Naval Operations, wrote to Kimmel after the affair, "This, of course, is White House prerogative and responsibility, and believe me, it is used these days." To his credit Richardson kept his objections to FDR's decision private and went quietly into retirement.

By contradicting the president in public, Fallon clearly exceeded his authority. Had he not chosen to step down, the president would have been obliged to fire him, not least because of the serious threat to balanced civil-military relations that his actions--like McClellan's before him--constituted.

Mackubin Thomas Owens is professor of national security affairs at the Naval War College in Newport, RI, and editor of Orbis, the journal of the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He is writing a history of U.S. civil-military relations.

? Copyright 2008, News Corporation, Weekly Standard, All Rights Reserved.

The Fall of Admiral
George B. McFallon
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

March 13, 2008
Fallon's Headstrong Demeanor Costs Him
By David Ignatius

WASHINGTON -- The first thing that many of Adm. William Fallon's colleagues note about him is that he's a Navy officer. By that, they mean he has the stubborn self-confidence, some would say arrogance, that is part of command at sea. He knows how to wear his dress whites and receive a snappy salute -- and he likes telling people off when he thinks they're wrong.

Those headstrong qualities were part of why Fallon was chosen to run Central Command, arguably the most important senior post in the U.S. military today.

And they explain why Fallon finally crashed and burned Tuesday, tendering his resignation after his blunt comments to an Esquire magazine writer had gotten him into one too many conflicts with the White House and the military brass.

The stories about Fallon's resignation focused mostly on his rejection of administration saber-rattling on Iran. "I expect that there will be no war, and that is what we ought to be working for," he told al-Jazeera last fall when the war fever was high. But there's less of a gap between Fallon and the administration on Iran than those comments suggested. Top administration officials have made clear for months that they know there isn't a good U.S. military option against Iran.

Fallon's problems were less dramatic -- but they go to the heart of what America should want from its senior military leaders. After what many viewed as the overly deferential style of the two previous chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Air Force Gen. Richard Myers and Marine Gen. Peter Pace, the White House decided to go for something different in a senior commander -- a guy with a mouth that could peel the paint off the walls.

I have traveled with Fallon several times since he became Centcom commander, and have talked at length with him, so perhaps I can offer a glimpse into the flap over his premature retirement.

Fallon's early friction was with Gen. David Petraeus, whom President Bush had trusted with the implementation of the U.S. troop surge in Iraq. Their turf war was ironic because Petraeus had supported Fallon for the job. But the new Centcom chief bristled at his nominal subordinate's close relationship with the White House, and it made for an awkward chain of command.

The tension was evident in May when I traveled to Baghdad with Fallon. He brought me into all his meetings with Iraqi officials, despite objections from some of the Green Zone politicos. Those fractious discussions reinforced Fallon's worry that the vaunted troop surge, while it was clearly improving Iraqi security, wasn't creating the space for a national political reconciliation.

In a May 15 piece from Baghdad, I quoted an upbeat Petraeus: "How long does reconciliation take? That's the long pole in the tent." I asked Fallon if he had an assessment of his own, and here's what he said, specifically rebutting Petraeus: "We're chipping away at the problem. But we don't have the time to chip away. Reconciliation isn't likely in the time we have available, but some form of accommodation is a must."

By last fall, it was clear to Fallon that the key issue was the pace of U.S. withdrawal. If the surge strategy was "conditions-based," and the surge was going well, Fallon wondered, why weren't we pressing the advantage and moving for a faster timetable?

After we discussed this issue at the Pentagon, I quoted Fallon in an Oct. 21 piece saying he was pushing Petraeus on "whether there is a way to take more of the support force out" on a quicker timetable. I suspected that Fallon was blunt because he knew that Defense Secretary Robert Gates (if not the White House) shared his impatience.

Fallon's willingness to encourage a public debate, even when it got him in hot water, continued when I traveled with him for a week in January. He stopped first in Rawalpindi on Jan. 22 to see the new chief of staff of the Pakistani army, Gen. Ashfaq Kiyani, clearly the crucial personality in maintaining stability in that country after the fall of Gen. Pervez Musharraf. Fallon tried to arrange for me to accompany him to the meeting, and when that proved impossible, he gave me a detailed read-out, on the record, which appeared in print Jan. 24.

The Pentagon brass and the White House were in a dither about the Kiyani comments, but Fallon didn't mind. His conversation had shown that the new Pakistani commander was working to rebuild the army's professionalism and stop al-Qaeda in the tribal areas, and he thought the public should know that.

A final Fallon indiscretion was talking while we were in Iraq about whether there should be a pause in the withdrawal of U.S. troops this summer, as Petraeus and Bush wanted. He favored a pause, but not one so lengthy that it obscured the message to Iraqis and Americans that the U.S. military forces were on their way out -- slowly and steadily, but surely.

I understand the White House's desire for an orderly chain of command, and the need for military officers to trust each other's discretion. But in the case of Fallon, I see a lot of good that came from having a headstrong blowtorch of a man speaking truth to power.
davidignatius@washpost.com

Copyright 2008, Washington Post Writers Group
Page Printed from: RealClearPolitics - Articles - Fallon's Headstrong Demeanor Costs Him at March 13, 2008 - 07:12:51 AM CST
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

By contradicting the president in public, Admiral Fallon exceeded his authority--and was right to step down.

Well Stated, but again, he remains an honorable man to resign his commission. Finally, somebody involved in this war is doing the right thing. I wish him well in his retirement as long as he remains professional.
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

Well Stated, but again, he remains an honorable man to resign his commission. Finally, somebody involved in this war is doing the right thing. I wish him well in his retirement as long as he remains professional.


So in your opinion, there is no chance whatsoever that Admiral Fallon, the man closest to the situation, was right and that the administration is wrong concerning an attack on Iran?
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

Another excellent job by Bush not to make a scene, but to allow a man to bow out gracefully and save face. Best of luck to the Admiral as he enjoys his retirement.
 
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif] Bush Clears the Way for More War[/FONT]

[FONT=Georgia, Times New Roman, Times, serif][FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]by Christopher Manion[/FONT][/FONT][FONT=Georgia, Times New Roman, Times, serif][FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
by ChristophManion [/FONT]
[/FONT]​
<!-- Copyright 2001-2002, Clickability, Inc. All rights reserved.--> <script language="javascript1.2" src="http://a449.g.akamai.net/7/449/1776/000/button.clickability.com/10/button_1/button.js"> </script><script language="JavaScript"> window.onerror=function(){clickURL=document.location.href;return true;} if(!self.clickURL) clickURL=parent.location.href; </script><nobr> </nobr>[FONT=Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]

[/FONT]​
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]During a disastrous week, with the country poised on the brink of financial collapse, the president stumbled through a series of appearances, the impact of which can only be described as ghastly. Clearly few believe him any more. And yet, in all the wreckage tumbling around him, he just couldn?t muster the moral courage to admit that his war in Iraq had played a major role in the epochal disasters befalling us.[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]In an event conveniently hidden under the rubble of the mushroom cloud of Bush?s blunders, the president?s last-ditch defense of his war in Iraq was finally exposed as a self-serving lie. "I rely on my commanders on the ground," he has obsessively and tirelessly recited. In a way, that made sense: After all, we can?t expect this Commander in Chief coherently to justify his own policy, can we?[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]Now that latest ignoble lie has been put to rest, with the firing of Admiral William Fallon as the head of Central Command in the Middle East.[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]Bush?s diehard fans, groping for some virtue in which to dress their naked emperor, often pretend to celebrate his fortitude. Apparently, that vaunted virtue failed him this time around. He assigned to Defense Secretary Gates, a lifelong bureaucrat, the smarmy task of firing Fallon. Typically, Bush did not have the C. O. Jones to do it himself. At least Harry Truman, one of Bush?s many left-wing militarist heroes, fired Douglas MacArthur personally. But not our own, brave Dear Leader.[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]Even the most ardent among Bush?s diminishing faction of supporters ? including many who have made tens of millions as War Profiteers ? grit their teeth when their Benefactor-in-Chief speaks. They are all undoubtedly grateful that it was Secretary Gates who smoothly lied through his teeth, insisting that there were no policy differences between Admiral Fallon and the rest of the Defense Department establishment. The reason is simple: as long as the war goes on, regardless of the kaleidoscope of justifications, the profiteers will continue to reap munificent rewards. When the war ends, they will have to lop off a zero or two off their incomes, and live normal, peaceful, honest lives ? perhaps for the very first time.[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]God forbid! Where would they go to lunch? Wendy?s?[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]Bush?s supporters have known it for years, of course, but Admiral Fallon's firing makes it clear to the rest of us: Bush has not been telling us the truth. Dick Cheney is the only "commander on the ground" that he relies on. Clearly, Bush and Cheney are both spiteful about the resentment and outright contempt that a growing number of Americans now harbor against them. With that in mind, as he leaves office, Cheney?s moral compass would have no trouble sticking the country with a war in Iran ? to serve his personal agenda, yes, but also to make the next administration look even worse than this one. "History will vindicate us," they crow.[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]Perverse? Of course. But Americans now understand that these are today?s zeroes, where there once walked heroes.[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]Admiral Fallon, the last US senior military commander with Viet Nam experience, does not want a wider war. Bush claims publicly that he embraces the same desire for peace. But his actions (as usual) speak more loudly than his lies.[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]During the years of Clinton's "I hate the military" 1990?s routine, many promising midlevel officers left military service. David Petraeus, an intelligent man, stayed on, laid low, and used his smarts to become a political general. Alas. He epitomizes the bureaucratic military, who will cover for his boss and do what he is told. To call him a political general is not a calumny: in fact, some of his strongest supporters insist that he should run for high political office.[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]Political Petraeus would not demand of Congress that, in order to consummate Bush?s (admittedly monstrous) strategy, he would need a quarter of a million more men in Iraq for three to five years. In contrast, Admiral Fallon is a truth teller. Bush reminds me of Paul Simon in the Boxer: "A man hears what he wants to hear, and disregards the rest." Given political power, such a man will act as an irrational ideologue, hardly fit for leadership ? a moral wreckage, the rank carcass of a character. Yet, for ten more months, the president is free to betray once more his oath of office and start another unconstitutional war.[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]Bush has failed conservatives in so many ways, but especially in his shell game about the Middle East. He has sullied our symbols and our principles ? liberty, small government, the Constitution, genuine patriotism, love of the fatherland, America?s position in the world, respect for our family members who have fallen in battle? the list is endless. What is there that Bush has not destroyed?[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]When my father started teaching at Notre dame in 1919, it was still a Catholic institution. Lying was still a mortal sin. Dad used to tell his law students, "if you tell the first lie, you may as well tell the rest."[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]It?s not hard to imagine a young George W. Bush sitting in that class, nudging the guy next to him with a whispered expletive, saying, "Hey, that sure sounds good to me!"[/FONT]
[FONT=Georgia, Times New Roman, Times, serif][FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]March 17, 2008[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Georgia, Times New Roman, Times, serif][FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]
[/FONT]
[/FONT]​
[FONT=Georgia, Times New Roman, Times, serif][FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]Christopher Manion [send him mail] [/FONT][FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]is president of Manion Music, LLC, which produces copyrighted, royalty-free music collections for telecommunications media and commercial and hospitality sites that use background music or music-on-hold. He writes from the Shenandoah Valley, where he is a volunteer Spanish translator for local law enforcement.[/FONT][/FONT]


[FONT=Georgia, Times New Roman, Times, serif][FONT=Times New Roman, Times, serif]Bush Clears the Way for More War by Christopher Manion
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[/FONT]​
 

scrimmage

What you contemplate you imitate
Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

<TABLE cellSpacing=0 cellPadding=0 width="100%" border=0><TBODY><TR vAlign=top><TD width=400><!-- Alternative : rubrique mini-articles (affichage du titre de la rubrique) --><!-- Alternative : rubrique normale -->George Bush will play all he?s got

The resignation of Admiral Fallon will provoke renewed fighting in Iraq

by Thierry Meyssan
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15 March 2008

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Contrary to what has been written so far in the mainstream media, Admiral William Fallon was not removed because he was opposing President Bush on an attack against Iran. He resigned from his own initiative after the agreement he had negotiated and concluded with Tehran, Moscow and Peking was sabotaged by the White House. This decision by the Bush administration will provoke renewed fighting in Iraq and exposes gravely the GI?s to a new Resistance this time supported without restraints from the outside.
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The Fallon plan

While the United States establishment had approved going to war against Iraq hoping to gain substantial economic profits, progressively it lost all such illusions. The direct and indirect costs generated by this operation are beyond measure and only profits to a very few. Since 2006, the ruling class, worried, decided to bring this adventure to an end. It contested the over-deployment of soldiers, the increasing diplomatic isolation and the financial hemorrhage This opposition expressed itself through the Baker/Hamilton report which condemned the US plan for a Greater Middle East and proposed a military withdrawal from Iraq and a diplomatic rapprochement with Teheran and Damas.

Under this amiable pressure, President Bush was forced to fire Donald Rumsfeld and replace him with Robert Gates (member himself of the Baker/Hamilton commission). A bi partisan work group ? the Armitage-Nye commission ? was created to define consensually a new policy. But it turned out that the Bush/Cheney tandem had not renounced its projects and used this group to allay its rivals while at the same time continuing to wield its weapons against Iran. Cutting short those maneuvers Robert Gates gave carte blanche to a group of high level officers he had frequented in the times of Bush father. On December 3rd 2007, they published a secret services report discrediting the White House lies concerning the so called Iranian threat. Beyond, they tried to impose on President Bush a rebalancing of his Middle East policy, to the detriment of Israel.

Admiral William Fallon exerts a moral authority over that group which includes Mike McConnell (National Director of Intelligence), general Michael Hyden (CIA director), general George Casey (chief of staff of the lad army), and later Mike Mullen (head of the joints chief of staff). Cold blooded, and gifted with brilliant intelligence, he is one of the last great bosses of the armed forces to have served in Vietnam. Worried by the multiplication of operation theatres, by the dispersion of forces and the usury of troops, he openly contested a civilian leadership whose policies can only lead the US to defeat.

In the continuation of that mutiny, that group of high level officers was authorized to negotiate an honorable end to the crisis with Iran and to prepare the withdrawal from Iraq. According to our sources, they conceived an agreement in three phases:

the US would have had the Security council to adopt a last resolution against Iran in order not to lose face. But this resolution would be empty and Teheran would accommodate to it.
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad would go to Iraq where he would reaffirm the regional interests of Iran. But that trip would be purely symbolic and Washington would accommodate to it.
Teheran would use all its influence to normalize the situation in Iraq, and to lead the groups of the armed resistance it supports towards political integration.

This stabilization would allow the Pentagon to withdraw its troops without defeat. In exchange, Washington would cease its support to armed groups of the Iranian opposition, in particular the Moudjahedine of the people.

Still according to our sources, Robert Gates and that group of officers, lead by General Brent Scowcroft (former National Security Adviser), solicited support from Russia and China for this process. In perplexity, before responding positively, Moscow and Peking first confirmed with the White House its forced agreement (to this process, noe), relieved to be able to avoid an uncontrollable conflict.

Vladimir Putin engaged himself not to seek advantage militarily from the US withdrawal, but demanded that the political consequences be drawn. I was agreed upon then that the Annapolis conference would lead to symbolic results, while a large conference on the Middle East would be organized in Moscow to unblock all the dossiers that the Bush administration had been poisoning. The same Putin accepted to facilitate the Iran-US compromise, but worried about a too strong Iran on its Russian borders. As guarantee, it was agreed upon that Iran would accept what it had always refused so far: not to fabricate alone its nuclear fuel.

Negotiations with Hu Jintao were more complex, the Chinese leaders being shocked to discover to what extent the Bush administration had lied a propos the so called Iranian threat. So, first, bilateral trust had to be re-established. Luckily Admiral Fallon who until recently commanded the PacCOM (pacific zone), had kept courtesy relations with the Chinese. It was decided that Peking would let a formal anti-Iranian resolution pass at the Security Council but that the formulation of that text would in no way hinder the Sino Iranian trade.

The sabotage

At first glance, all seemed to function. Moscow and Peking accepted to play roles at Annapolis and to vote resolution 1803 against Iran, while president Ahmadinejad savored his official visit to Baghdad where he secretly met US heads of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Mike Mullen, to plan reduction of tensions in Iraq. But the Bush/Cheney tandem did not declare itself defeated. It sabotaged as soon as it could this well oiled mechanic.

Firstly, the Moscow conference disappeared in the moving sands of oriental mirages, before even having existed. Secondly, Israel launched its assault against Gaza and NATO deployed its fleet off the coast of Lebanon as a means to provoke the setting on fire of the Greater Middle East region, while Fallon was attempting to put out the fires one by one. Thirdly, the White House, usually so prompt to fire its own employees, refused to dump the People?s Mouhadjidines.

Exasperated, the Russians massed their fleet south of Cyprus to survey the NATO ships and send Sergei Lavrov on tour to the Middle East with mission to arm Syria, Hamas and the Hezbollah to reestablish the equilibrium in Levant. While the Iranians, furious of having been cheated, encouraged the Iraqi resistance to break the GIs. Seeing his efforts reduced to nothing, Admiral Fallon resigned as the only means for him to save his honor and his credibility vis a vis his interlocutors. The Esquire interview, published two weeks, ago is only a pretext here.

The hour of truth

In the next three weeks, the Bush/Cheney tandem will play all its cards in Iraq in an attempt to have weapons determine the outcome of the situation. General David Petraeus, will push to the extreme his counterinsurgency program in order to be able to come up to the next US congress, beginning Aprils, as victorious. Simultaneously, the Iraqi resistance, now supported by Teheran, Moscow and Peking, will multiply its ambushes and seek to kill a maximum occupiers.

It will then be up to the US establishment to draw the conclusions of the situation in the battle field. Either the Petraeus? results on the ground will be deemed acceptable and the Bush/Cheney tandem will finish its mandate without further difficulties. Or, to avoid the spectrum of defeat, it will have to condemn the White House and restart in one way or the other, the negotiations that Admiral Fallon had carried out.

Simultaneously, Ehud Olmert will interrupt the negotiations started with Hamas via Egypt. He will heat up the region up to Bush?s visit in May.

This regional fever should stimulate the Bush apparatus, either through investments in the military-industrial domain of the Carlyle fund, whose real estate branch is on the verge of bankruptcy, or via the electoral campaign of Mc Cain.

Thierry Meyssan
Journalist and writer, president of the Voltaire Network.
link:
The resignation of Admiral Fallon will provoke renewed fighting in Iraq [Voltaire]
 

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Re: Bush Considering Firing CentCom Chief Adm. Fallon

Lt.General Martin Dempsey takes over as interim chief of Cent.Com for recently resigned Admiral Fallon.A permanent replacement won't be named until after General Petraeus reports to Congress April 8th/9th[2008] on conditions in Iraq.
New Central Command chief an Army man
Change at Top of Central Command Puts Army Back in Charge, for Now

ROBERT BURNS
AP News
Mar 28, 2008 02:12 EST

One of the Army's most Iraq-savvy generals is taking charge, at least temporarily, of arguably the most important command in the U.S. military, with responsibility for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

In a ceremony Friday[3/28/2008] at MacDill Air Force Base, Fla., Lt. Gen. Martin Dempsey is to assume command of U.S. Central Command from Navy
Adm. William J. Fallon, who announced unexpectedly on March 11 that he was quitting. Fallon cited press reports that he was at odds with President Bush over Iran policy.

Defense Secretary Robert Gates, who has denied that Fallon was out of step on Iran, and Navy Adm. Michael Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, are scheduled to attend the ceremony.

Dempsey, whose field experience in the early stages of his 34-year Army career was largely in Europe, has been deputy commander at Central Command since August 2007. He will serve as the acting commander until Bush chooses a permanent replacement and gets that person confirmed by the Senate.

Fallon was the first Navy officer to head Central Command since it was created in 1983. It typically has been commanded by an Army general ? John Abizaid prior to Fallon, and Tommy Franks before Abizaid.

Dempsey takes charge at a particularly sensitive time, not only because of heightened concern about relations with Iran and the uncertain outlook for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, but also because of the approach of the November elections and the prospect of policy shifts by a new president.

One of Fallon's final acts was to advise Bush and Gates on how to proceed in Iraq after July, when the last of the troop reinforcements that Bush ordered in 2007 are to have returned home. At points during his 13 months in charge at Central Command, Fallon was perceived as being at odds with Army Gen. David Petraeus, the top U.S. commander in Iraq, on how soon to end the troop surge.

Dempsey has extensive experience in Iraq. He earned high marks as commander of the 1st Armored Division in Iraq in 2003-2004. For nearly two years prior to taking the Central Command job he served in Baghdad as head of the command that is training and equipping Iraqi security forces.

Bush is not expected to nominate a successor to Fallon until after Petraeus reports to Congress April 8-9 on his assessment of conditions in Iraq and his recommendations for how to proceed.

It is possible that Dempsey could get the job, but there are several other candidates, including Petraeus.
When Gates disclosed Fallon's decision to quit he noted that Dempsey would fill in on an interim basis but named no candidates to be the permanent successor. Gates said Fallon's departure would "leave a hole" but he denied an Esquire magazine report that if Fallon were to leave prematurely it would mean Bush was going to war against Iran. The magazine said Fallon had fallen out of favor with the White House for public comments suggesting that war should not be an option in Iran.

Andrew Bacevich, a professor of international relations at Boston University, said he does not foresee significant changes in U.S. policy toward Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan or Pakistan as a result of Fallon's departure.

"Those who believe that Fallon was the only person preventing the administration from going to war against Iran are wrong, in my view," Bacevich wrote in an e-mail exchange. "When Secretary Gates describes the prospect of such a war as 'ridiculous,' we should take him at his word."

The job of Central Command commander is part war fighter, part strategist and part diplomat. The commander answers to the secretary of defense and is responsible for U.S. military relations with countries stretching from the Horn of Africa, through the Middle East and across Central Asia. That region is at the center of the administration's war on terrorism.

In addition to his years in Iraq, Dempsey headed a U.S. program in Saudi Arabia to modernize the kingdom's National Guard, which is an elite force designed to protect the royal family, from September 2001 to June 2003.
Dempsey graduated from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point and attended the National War College in 1995-1996.
Source: AP News
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New Central Command chief an Army man
 
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